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IRELAND, 1494-1603 



BY THE REV. 

ROBERT Hv MURRAY, Litt.D. 

HELEN BLAKE SCHOLAR, TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN 
AUTHOR OF "revolutionary IRELAND AND ITS SETTLEMENT (1688-1714),' 
"ERASMUS AND LUTHER: THEIR ATTITUDE TO TOLERATION," 
EDITOR OF "THE JOURNAL OF JOHN STEVENS " 



LONDON 

SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING 
CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE 

NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
1920 



^K 






PREFACE 

Mr. Dunlop in " The Cambridge Modern History," vol. iii., 
pp. 852-859, compiled an exhaustive bibliography of this 
period. Of course, since it was written in 1904, some im- 
portant books have appeared. J, may be permitted to refer 
to my " Public Record Office, Dublin," for guidance to the 
documents in that institution. For example, in that book 
1 deal with the Privy Council, and consequently omit this 
subject in the present book. I should like to add that 
Miss C. Maxvv^ell is about to give us valuable extracts 
from sixteenth-century documents- 



ROBERT H. MURRAY. 



11, Harcourt Terrace, 
Dublin. 



^-^?^c 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 

Parliamentary Records, 1494-1603. 

It is not possible to secure a printed edition of all the 
statutes of the sixteenth century. In 1569 James Stani- 
hurst, the Speaker of the House of Commons, suggested 
that there should be an edition of the statute law of Ireland, 
and he authorised James Hooker, alias Vowell, the Exeter 
antiquary, to print the statutes at his expense. The 
patent issued to Hooker laid down that " divers Parlia- 
ments have been holden in Ireland, and divers statutes and 
acts made in the same, which laws being never put into printe 
have been altogether turned into oblivion."^ Still, the 
matter came to nothing. In 1621 Sir Richard Bolton, 
afterward Lord Chancellor of Ireland, published in one 
folio volume the first collected edition of the statutes. In 
1765 B. Grierson, the King's printer, commenced the issue 
of " The Statutes at Large passed in the Parliaments held 
in Ireland from the third year of Edward II., a.d. 1310, 
to the first year of George III., a.d. 1761, inclusive.'' The 
statutes passed after 1621 had been regularly printed, but 
Grierson ignored many of the medieval statutes — e.g., those 
contained on the extant rolls of Parliament from the reign 
of Edward II. to the seventh year of Edward VI. Even 
all the statutes of the reign of Henry VII. are not set forth. 
Dr. Twiss (or Berry) is supplementing these grave omis- 
sions, but the last of the three volumes he has published 
only comes down to the days of Edward IV. There are 
transcripts of the Irish statutes preserved in the Record 
Office, Dublin. These the student must read in order to 
understand the whole field of the activities of Parliament. 
Transmisses were the Bills sent by the King in Council to 
the Council Board in Ireland, as having the King's sanction 
to be debated and passed by the Parliament in Ireland. 
The Bills took their rise then with the Lord Deputy and 
Council of Ireland, and were sent over for approval of the 
King in Council in London. On approval there they were 
transmitted to Ireland as sanctioned by the King, and 

1 " Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts," vol. i., p. 387. 
3 



4 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

hence their name as " Transmisses." These Transmisses 
range from 27 Henry VIII. to 1800. 

The Journals of the Lower House afford no help in eking 
out the scanty records, for they only commence with the 
year 1 634. The obscurity of the early history of Parliament 
is obvious from the consideration that in 1613 Sir John 
Davis, the Speaker, could not ascertain the procedure of the 
House. If the reader turns to the twentieth chapter on 
Parliamentary Antiquities in the third volume of Bishop 
Stubbs's "Constitutional History of England," he will at 
once see how widely different was the position of the 
English Speaker. The influence of Westminster was 
actively felt in Dublin. For in 1495 the Irish House of 
Lords insisted that the robes worn by its peers must be of 
the same pattern as those worn by the English peers .^ 

An odd chance dispels some of our ignorance. In 1569 
the historian Campion was stopping with the Speaker, 
Stanihurst, and he gives us a report of the speech of the 
Lord Deputy, Sir H. Sydney, at the opening of Parliament, 
and that of the Speaker to the Lord Deputy. The speeches 
of these two officials at the prorogation concerned the 
education of the people. Stanihurst was able to congratu- 
late his audience on the passing of an Act for the erection 
of Free Grammar Schools, though he regretted that " our 
hap is not to plant yet an University here at home." So 
much for the matter of the 1569 Parliament. 

The manner of ceremony in use demands attention. Here 
we are fortunate, for Hobert le Commaundre, Rector of 
Tarporley in Cheshire, happened to be present. He records 
the scene in the House of Lords on the opening day in 
January, 1569 : " The Lord Deputy of Ireland sat under the 
cloth of estate in his own robes of crimson velvet, repre- 
senting the Queen's Majesty's most royal person. Item, 
Robert Weston, doctor of laws, and Dean of the Cathedral 
Church of St. Patrick's, Dublin, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, 
sat on the right side of the said Lord Deputy. Item, 
Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond and Ossory, Viscount 
Thurles, High Treasurer of Ireland, sat on the left of the said 
Lord Deputy. Memorandum, that these two lords sat 

1 10 Henry VII., c. 16. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 5 

severally above by themselves, one either side of the said 
Lord Deputy, having their seats enrailed about, and hanged 
or covered with green ; and the said Lord Deputy had steps 
or gresses (stairs) made and covered for the seat of the 
estate, being richly hanged. . . . Memorandum, that the 
Chief Justices of the one bench and the other, the Chief 
Baron, the Master of the Rolls, and the Queen's Majesty's 
Attorney -General and her Highness 's Solicitor, did sit to- 
gether at a table in the midst of the Parliament House {i.e., 
Christ Church Cathedral). Memorandum, that ^ir. Stani- 
hurst. Recorder of the City of Dublin, was Speaker of the 
Lower House, and did wear for his upper garment, when the 
Lord Deputy sat in the higher house under the cloth of 
estate, a scarlet gown; and this Mr. Stanihurst was a very 
wise man and a good member of the Commonwealth of 
Ireland." 

In Plantagenet ParHaments the Lord Chancellor and the 
High Treasurer were accorded the precedence they still 
kept in the Elizabethan Irish Parliament. How much 
English procedure influenced Irish is evident from the 
preamble to the early Acts of the Irish Parliament, for 
according to the preamble the Legislature was composed of 
" the Lord Deputy, the Chancellor and Treasurer, and all the 
lords spiritual and temporal, and the King's Council in 
Ireland. " The Egerton MS. provides us with a list of the lords 
spiritual and temporal in the Irish Parliament, 1568-69.-'- 

^•John Hooker, uncle of the famous theologian, wrote a 
diary or journal, January 17 to February 23, 1568-69, ^ 
supplementing the account of the ceremonies which 
Commaundre gives. It is noteworthy that Hooker, like 
Grattan and Flood, was a member both of the Irish and the 
English Legislatures, and no doubt he used his influence to 
bring the ceremonial of Westminster and Dublin into closer 
accordance.^ For the information of his fellow members 
he drew up the book of the orders of the Parliaments 

^ Reprinted in C. Litton Falkiner, "Essays Relating to Ireland," 
pp. 233-236. The Egerton MS. is a British Museum MS., 2642, No. 29, 
f. 282'. 

2 C. Litton Falkiner, "Essays Relating to Ireland," pp. 237-240. 
The Journal is now in Cambridge University Library. 

3 Bagwell, " Ireland under the Tudors," vol. iii., p. 142; Mountmorres, 
" Ancient Parliaments of Ireland," vol. i., p. 87. 



6 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

employed in England, which is printed in his contribution 
to the Irish portion of Holinshed's " Chronicles."^ Hooker's 
" Order and Usage how to keep a Parliament in England " 
shaped Irish procedure. His diary furnishes us with what 
is in effect the first unofficial extant Journal of the House 
of Commons. He gives us the figures in the divisions which 
took place on the main questions debated. These questions 
turned on constitutional issues, and among them were the 
validity of the sheriff's return to the writ of summons, the 
title of certain members to be returned to Parliament, and 
the like. On the latter matter the judges gave their 
decision, but the Parliament required them to appear in 
person. The first nine leaves of the Carte MS. 61, gives 
us the earliest formal Journal of Parliament : it records the 
proceedings of Sir J. Perrot's Parliament, May 3, 1585, to 
May 13, 1586.^ Unlike Hooker's, it is not written in 
narrative form and is not in the first person. It gives the 
days of meeting, the prorogations, the readings, and the 
success or the failure of measures. 

On the sixteenth century there are seventeen volumes of 
calendars of State Papers published. Eleven of these 
volumes consider the state of Ireland from 1509 to 1603: 
these have been edited by H. C. Hamilton (vols, i.-v.); by 
E. G. Atkinson (vols, vi.-x.) ; and by R. P. Mahaffy (vol. xi.).^ 
J. S. Brewer and W. Bullen edited six volumes of the Carew 
Papers,^ which are preserved in Lambeth Library: they 
cover the period from 1515 to 1624. There is much un- 
published matter in the Record Offices, Dublin and London. 
In the latter there are the documents dealt with in the 
Calendars above named — viz., Letters and Papers, 1509, 
March, 1603, 248 volumes; an Entry Book, April, 1597, to 
March, 1599, 1 volume; an Entry Book of Correspondence, 
1587-90, 1 volume ; Dr. M. Hanmer's Collection of Historical 
Notes, 1 volume; Accounts and Valors, 1536-46, 4 volumes; 
Revenue Accounts, 1547-51, 1 volume; a Coinage Account, 

1 1586-87. No place of publication. 

2 E. H. E., vol. xxix., pp. 104-117. In an able article Mr. F. J. 
Routledge deals with this Parliament, and gives the Journal in extenso. 
Cf. Russell and Prendergast's "Report on the Carte Papers" (1871), 
p. 24. The rest of MS. 61 consists of official papers of Sir John Davis 
and Sir Arthur Chichester for the year 1613. 

3 London, 1860-1912. * Ihid., 1867-73. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 7 

1559, 1 volume; and Miscellaneous Accounts, 1581-85, 
2 volumes. These documents bear on the general course 
of the history of the country, but there is a great deal of 
parliamentary material scattered among them. One fact 
emerges from them, and that is the conservatism of the 
Irish Parliament. 

The fact that Parliament met so irregularly during the 
sixteenth century goes to show that it was not the govern- 
ing force. For example, no Parliament sat from 1586 to 
1613. Influence rested with the Lord Deputy and the 
Privy Council. As a matter of fact the Secretary of State 
controlled the course of Irish affairs. Wolsey and Thomas 
Cromwell, Burghley and Sir Robert CeciP exercised para- 
mount power. There is no book, like A. V. Dicey 's " Privy 
Council,"^ describing the work of the Privy Council. Such 
a volume is a desideratum for Ireland. 

None of the older books are of much value in elucidating 
the past of the Irish Parliament. Viscount Mountmorres's 
" History of the Principal Transactions of the Irish Parlia- 
ment from 1634 to 1666 "^is simply an analysis of the con- 
tents of the printed Journals. His " Preliminary Discourse 
of the Ancient Parliament of that Kingdom " is largely a 
reprint of John Hooker's " Order and Usage how to keep a 
Parliament in England." T. Beatson gives the hereditary 
honours, public offices, and persons in office from the earliest 
times to 1 806. His third volume records Irish information.^ 
On the subject of Beatson 's book there is the all-important 
"Liber Munerum publicorum Hiberniae, 1152-1824"^ of 
J. Lascelles. In his sixth volume T. H. B. Oldfield deals 
with the Irish boroughs.^ Monck Mason's " Essay on the 
Antiquity and Constitution of Parliaments in Ireland"^ is 
a book with a purpose. It is written to refute the opinion 
of Sir John Davis that there was no separate Parliament for 
Ireland for 140 years from the time of Henry II. William 

1 See his letters, edited by J. Maclean. Camden Society. London, 
1864. 2 London, 1887. 3 London, 1792, 2 vols. 

* " Political Index to the Histories of Great Britain and Ireland." 
London, 1806. 

^ London, 1824. Indexed in Appendix III. to the Ninth Report of the 
Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland. Dublin, 1877. 

6 Representative History of Great Britain and Ireland. London, 
1816. 7 Dublin, 1820. 



8 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

Lynch 's '' View of the Legal Institutions, Honorary Heredi- 
tary Offices, and Feudal Baronies of Ireland "^ scarcely 
reaches the Tudor period. Sir William Betham's " Origin 
and History of the Constitution of England and the Early 
Parliaments of Ireland "^ stops with the reign of Richard III. 
In the seventh chapter of the first volume of Mr. Bag- 
well's " Ireland under the Tudors "^ there is an able sketch 
of the Irish Parliament. Of course, it is no more than an 
outline, but it is a good outline. In the " Irish Legislative 
Systems "4 of the Right Hon. J. T. Ball there is in the first 
chapter a survey of the course of the early Parliaments. In 
its twenty pages the author brings us down to the year 1613. 
By far the best account is that of Mr. E. Porritt in his 
" Unreformed House of Commons."^ It is based on 
adequate knowledge, and this knowledge is presented in 
masterly chapters. Like Mr. Ball's book, its strength lies 
in the survey of the eighteenth century. At the same time 
the hints on the sixteenth century are illuminating, and at 
the moment it is easily the best book in existence. The late 
Mr. Litton Falkiner had pondered the past of our Parliament 
long and deeply. In his " Essays relating to Ireland "® 
there is an essay on "Irish Parliamentary Antiquities,"'^ 
which is packed with ideas and with information. Mr. G. P. 
Gooch calls him the best-equipped scholar in the field of 
modern Irish history since Lecky,^ and an essay like this 
proves how sound is such a judgment. He is the only writer 
who spends his strength on the sixteenth century. Mr. 
J. G. Swift MacNeill published " The Constitutional and 
ParHamentary History of Ireland till the Union. "^ His 
book suffers seriously from the plan on which it is written. 
He takes the speeches delivered in 1782 at once into con- 
sideration. Such speeches are not the source to which an 
historian goes when in search of exact information. There 
is no addition to our knowledge of the past history of 
Parliament in a book which is essentially a pamphlet 
written from a Nationalist point of view. It is a pamphlet 
good of its kind ; still, it is a pamphlet. 

1 London, 1830. 2 j?,^-^.^ igSO. 3 jn^,^ 1885. * Ibid., 1889. 
5 Cambridge, 1903, vol. ii. e London, 1909. ^ Pp. 193-240. 

^ " History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century," p. 400. 
9 London, 1917. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 9 

^One fruitful source of inquiry is to ascertain how far the 
Irish Parliament was influenced by the Scots and English. 
There are parallels with the Scots, for Poynings' Law and 
the Committee of Articles are similar in their effects. The 
Scots Parliament was never modelled on that of the 
English, whereas the Irish imdoubtedly was. The Mother 
of Parliaments had for her first offspring the Irish Parlia- 
ment. We pass by the fact that the English and the Irish 
Parhaments possessed upper and lower chambers, but it is 
significant that the representative system by which the 
Irish House was elected was practically identical with the 
electoral system of England as affected by that epoch- 
making measure, the statute of 1430, which remained in 
force to 1832. The forty-shiUing freehold lay at the basis 
of both English and Irish county representation. As in 
England, each county in Ireland had two knights of the 
shire to represent it, and these knights were chosen in the 
county court. In borough representation there had been 
developed the freeman franchise; the franchise controlled 
entirely by municipal corporations; the potwaUoper fran- 
chise, which closely resembled the potwaUoper franchise 
of England ; and the freehold franchise in manor boroughs, 
which resembled the burgage franchise of the boroughs of 
England. In Mr. Porritt's^ opinion, a history of the pro- 
cedure and usages of the Irish House of Commons would teU 
only of the adoption of EngHsh orders and usages. He 
holds that "it is not possible to discover in the Irish 
Journals any procedure which had not its origin in West- 
minister."^ Mr. Litton Falkiner also takes this position.^ 
The first person to be really styled the Lord Lieutenant 
seems to have been Lionel, Earl of Ulster and Duke of 
Clarence, who came to Ireland in 1361. It became usual for 
a member of the Royal Family to be sent as Lord Lieu- 
tenant, though he discharged the duties of his office by 
means of a deputy. In time the title of Deputy was be- 
stowed on the Governors of Ireland, even when there was 
no Lord Lieutenant actually appointed. The real influence 
lay in the hands of the Lord Deputy. Thus from 1478 to 

^ " The Unreformed House of Commons," vol. ii., p. 404. 

2 lUd., p. 404. 

3 " Essays relating to Ireland," pp. 202, 203. 



10 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

1526 the rulers of the country were the Earls of Kildare, 
who were Lords Deputy. They through the Privy Council 
controlled the doings of Parliament. 

The method of electing the Speaker, certainly from 1568, 
was the same as in England. On the assembling of a new 
Parliament the Commons adjourned to the House of Lords. 
When the Lord Deputy had made a speech, the Lord 
Chancellor ordered them to return to their own House in 
order to elect a Speaker. English usage determined the 
choice of the House, and the Speaker-elect came to the 
Lord Deputy for approval. As at Westminster, he begged 
that " some man of more gravity and better experience, 
knowledge and learning might supply the place. "^ The 
first Speaker whose name we can ascertain is John Chever, 
Master of the Rolls, and his date is 1449. In 1541 Sir 
Thomas Cusake, Chancellor of the Exchequer, was Speaker, 
and in 1557 he was succeeded by James Stanihurst, who 
was thrice elected. In 1585 Stanihurst was succeeded by 
Sir Nicholas Walsh, Chief Justice of Munster and Second 
Justice of the Queen's Bench. The Speaker was always a 
Crown nominee, and for the most part he reflected faith- 
fully the behests of the Lord Deputy. Speaker Cusake 
nominally vindicated the liberties of his order, but at the 
same time he insisted on the authority of the Crown and 
the respect due to the royal prerogative. Unlike the 
English customs, the Speaker did not ask that a favourable 
construction might be j)ut upon his actions, though he 
claimed the usual liberties of the Commons — freedom from 
arrest and freedom of speech. Unlike the English custom, 
he did not require freedom of access to the person of the 
Sovereign, though he did require that if a member miscon- 
ducted himself, the punishment should rest exclusively in 
the control of the House over which he presided.^ In the 
reign of Edward IV. privilege was regulated by statute. In 
1463 a measure was passed, modelled upon the law of the 
English Parliament, under which members were to be 
" impleaded, vexed, nor troubled by no man " from forty 
days before until forty after a session of Parliament. 

1 Hooker's account in Mountmorres, vol. i., pp. 71, 72. 

2 Holinshed, vol vi., pp. 342, 353. Cf. Stubbs, vol. iii., p. 472. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 11 

There was no struggle between the Irish House of 
Commons and the Irish House of Lords such as that which 
marks the annals of Westminster. One reason is that the 
Irish Upper House was a small and feeble body. Another 
was that it possessed no power to originate a money Bill, 
and it possessed no right to alter or amend such Bills. With 
this fruitful source of trouble removed, there was little 
likehhood of conflict. The English Bills of 1405-6, of 
1427, of 1429, and of 1444, regulated the machinery for 
Irish elections. There was only one Irish law of the 
sixteenth century — that of 1542 — which attempted to 
legislate on this tojoic. By the Bill of 1542 a sheriff who 
returned a member contrary to its provisions as to landed 
quahfication and residence was liable to a penalty of a 
hundred pounds. 

It is difflcult to ascertain the position of the clergy in 
Parliament before 1537. That year the 28 Henry VIII., 
c. 12, took from their proctors the right of " voice or 
suffrage," and ordered that they should attend only as 
" counsellors and assistants." This in effect extinguished 
their influence, which had long been extinguished at 
Westminster. The clergy assessed their own taxes, and 
in 1538 granted the King an annual twentieth of all their 
promotions, benefices, and possessions. During the Re- 
formation there was an attempt to employ proctorial in- 
fluence to defeat the legislation of Henry VIII. 's advisers. 
It was urged that the proctors enjoyed a status like that of 
the prelates: what the proctors were in the Lower House 
the bishops were in the Upper. The bishops of Ireland 
supported the proctors in this position. The Deputy re- 
ferred the question to the judges, and they decided that the 
proctors had no voice in Parliament.^ 

Like the Parliaments of England and Scotland, it was 
some time before the Irish Parliament acquired a fixed 
home. The Plantagenet Deputies convoked it to meet at 
Trim, Kilkenny, and Drogheda. Other places of meeting 
were Naas, Wexford, Limerick, Baldoyl, Castledermot, 
Waterford, and Cashel. In the reign of Elizabeth Dublin 

1 State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. ii., pt. iii., p. 438 : Gray and Brabazon 
to Cromwell, May 18, 1537. 



12 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

became its home, although even in the metropolis it met in 
places like the Hall of the Carmelites in Whitefriars Street, 
Kilmainham Priory, and Christ Church Cathedral. The 
Parliaments of 1568-71 and 1585-86 met in Dublin Castle. 

Before the changes introduced by James I. there were 
only forty -four boroughs. Here there is obscurity. For 
there is no extant list of members between 1382 and 1559. 
In 1382 there were eighteen counties or districts and eleven 
towns represented, and in 1559 there were ten counties and 
twenty-eight cities and boroughs returning two members 
each. In 1541 the Upper House was the more important 
of the two, and was attended by four archbishops, nineteen 
bishops, and twenty temporal peers. 

The Lancastrian and Yorkist kings summoned Parliament 
quite often. Under Henry VII. there were at least six 
Parliaments assembled. As deputy for the Lord Lieu- 
tenant, Jasper, Duke of Bedford, the Archbishop of Dublin, 
Walter, held the first in 1492. There was the Parliament 
held by Sir Edward Poynings at Drogheda in 1494, two held 
by Lord Gormanston at Trim and Drogheda respectively, 
one by Gerald, Earl of Kildare, at Castledermot in 1498, 
and one held by another Earl of Kildare which met at Dublin 
and later at Castledermot. Ware in his " Annals " regrets 
the fact that the laws of the 1498 Parliament were not upon 
record in his time. He tells us that one Nangle was im- 
prisoned in England on a charge of having surreptitiously 
removed the Rolls. 

The noteworthy Parliaments held were those which met 
in 1494, 1508, 1533, 1536-37, 1541-42, 1556, 1559, 1568-69, 
and 1585-86. The 1536-37 Parliament is the one which 
passed the Reformation measures, though the proctors 
of the clergy offered stout opposition, especially objecting 
to the King being declared supreme head of the Church. 
The 1541-42 ParHament declared Henry VIII. King of 
Ireland. Domestic legislation in it was modelled on 
English lines. In the 1568-69 House there was so much 
confusion that it was more " like to a bear-baiting of loose 
persons than an assembly of grave and wise men in Parlia- 
ment." It was then that Hooker proffered assistance to 
Speaker Stanihurst. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 13 



PoYNiNGs' Law. 



Behind all these assemblies lay the fact that they were 
not a sovereign body, for Poynings' Law controlled all their 
affairs. Now there is no statute so seriously misunderstood. 
Take the work of such a scholar as A. G. Richey. He 
represents it as " the most disgraceful Act ever passed by an 
independent Legislature, and wrung from this local assembly 
of the Pale," binding " future Parliament for three hundred 
years. "^ Of course, P. W. Joyce follows this opinion.^ 

Poynings' Acts are two in number. By the first it is laid 
down, in 1494, that no future Parliaments should be held 
in Ireland, " but at such season as the King's Lieutenant 
and Council there first do certify the King under the great 
seal of that land {i.e., Ireland), the causes and considera- 
tions, and aU such Acts as then seemeth should pass in the 
same Parliament, and such causes, considerations, and Acts 
affirmed by the King and his Council to be good and ex- 
pedient for that land, and his licence thereupon, as well as 
affirmation of the said causes and Acts as to summon the 
said Parliament under the great seal of England, had and 
obtained. That done, a Parliament to be had and holden 
after the form and effect afore rehearsed, and if any Parlia- 
ment be holden in that land hereafter contrary to the form 
and provisions aforesaid, it be deemed void and of none 
effect in law." The second Act, which is of minor im- 
portance, provides that all public statutes " later made 
within the said realm of England " apply to Ireland. 

The clue to the understanding of the measure is to note 
what evils it was meant to cure in the eyes of contemporaries. 
The history of the two generations preceding 1494 im- 
mediately reveals the fact that the Lord Deputy was fast 
assumiQg the powers of a Sovereign. The Kildares de- 
clared peace and war as if they were kings. Lords Deputy, 
like them, had assented to BUls without any reference to 
England or to English policy. Differences between the 

1 " A Short History of the Irish People," p. 232. 

2 " A Short History of Ireland," pp. 348-349. Dr. Bonn also miscon- 
ceives the working of this law. Cf. his " Der englische Kolonisation in 
Irland," vol. i., pp. 108, 163. 



14 IRELAND, 1494^1603 

policies of Dublin and Westminster were becoming pro- 
minent. The Lord Deputy summoned Parliament when, 
where, and how he willed. The truth, then, is that the 
far-reaching enactment of 1494 was meant as a protection 
to the Anglo -Irish, and they at once regarded it in that 
light. De|)uties used to commit treason, and all the Anglo- 
Irish were held responsible. Now the Deputies could no 
longer do as they please. The native Irish felt no restric- 
tions from the new measure, for it was only enforced within 
the Pale. The origin of Po3mings' Law was simply the 
desire of the Irish Parliament to confine the authority of 
the Deputies within bounds. 

As all the ordinary histories rej)eat the mistakes of men 
like Richey, it is worth while to elaborate the raison d'etre 
of the 1494 Act. The Irish unpublished statutes of the 
Yorkists reveal the fact that the history of Ireland turns on 
the rivalry of the Houses of Butler and FitzGerald. When a 
Butler was Lord Deputy he occupied his time in seeking 
revenge on his rivals, and of course the Anglo-Irish endured 
much hardship in the process. Under Edward IV. the 
Kildares continue this story. The climax was reached in 
the Simnel affair when "the ladde," as an Irish statute 
puts it, was crowned. It was plain that if the authority 
of the King of Ireland was not to vanish, the Lords Deputy 
must be brought under strict control. That control came 
with effect in 1494, and the Anglo-Irish hailed Poynings' 
statute with delight. 

The remedy to an evil always reveals some inconvenience 
due to it. Poynings' Law hampered the Deputy, but it 
also hampered the work of government. In the sixteenth 
century there were no telephones, and sudden emergencies 
could no longer be met by the Lord Deputy himself. A 
letter took a month for an answer, and much might happen 
in the interval. It is evident from a letter from Audeley, 
the English Chancellor, to Thomas Cromwell that this in- 
convenience was felt in 1533. "I have seen," Audeley 
writes, " the Act made in Ireland in Pojrnings' time. I do 
not take that Act as they take it in Ireland; nevertheless 
... I have made a short Act that this Parliament and 
everything to be done by authority thereof, shall be good 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 15 

and effectual, the said Act made in Poynings' time, or any 
other Act or usage of the land of Ireland notwithstanding."^ 
Accordingly, in spite of the 1494 measure, the Acts of Lord 
Leonard Gray's Parliament of 1533 should be deemed valid. 
How temporary and limited was the nature of the suspension 
is clear, for it only applied to Bills required for " the King's 
honour, the increase of his Grace's revenues and profits, 
and the commonweal of the land and dominion of Ireland." 
Popular opinion disliked this use of the dispensing power 
so strongly that it did not affect the property of individuals 
or of corporations. Poynings' Act was also suspended in 
1537 and 1542. 

In 1557 another emergency arose, and the Earl of Sussex, 
who called the only Parliament of Mary's reign, brought 
forward a measure, " declaring how Poynings' Act shall be 
expounded and taken." " Forasmuch," it points out, " as 
many events and occasions may happen during the time of 
Parliament, the which shall be thought meet and necessary 
to be provided for, and yet at or before the time of the sum- 
moning of the Parliament, was not thought nor agreed 
ux^on," it is proper to provide for the extension of Poynings' 
Act to legislation formulated during the session. In 1557, 
unlike 1533, the Act is not suspended. Sussex was Deputy 
in the first Parliament of Elizabeth, and he takes care in 
it not to infringe the pro^dsions of the 1494 Act. 

In the time of Elizabeth the Irish Government pressed 
for the suspension of Poynings' Law. The English in 
Ireland opposed this pressure vigorously. Their feehng is 
clear in the Act passed in 1569 for safeguarding Po3Tiings' 
Act. It declares that before 1494 Acts were passed in the 
Irish Parliament " as well to the dishonour of the prince as 
to the hindrance of their subjects." In order to increase 
their security it was declared that for the future there " be 
no Bill certified into England for the repeal or suspension 
of the said statute," unless the same Bill be first agreed on 
in a session of the Irish Parliament " by the more number 
of the Lords assembled in Parliament, and the greater 
number of the Commons House." 

It is remarkable that in writing to Sir H. Sydney, January 

1 State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. i., pt. ii., p. 440. 



16 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

16, 1557, Elizabeth uses language implying the customary- 
view of the 1494 Act. " Whereas," she wrote, " we under- 
stand you are desirous to have authority to call a Parliament, 
the rather for the receiving of our subsidy there . . . before 
we assented thereunto we could have been contented to have 
had advertisement from you what other matters you thought 
most meet to be commended in the same for the benefit of 
our service. For, except the same might appear very 
necessary, we have small disposition to assent to any 
Parliament. Nevertheless, when we call to remembrance 
the ancient manner of that our realm, that no manner of 
thing ought to be commended or treated upon, but such as 
we shall first understand from you, and consent thereunto 
ourself, and consequently return the same under our great 
seal of this our realm of England, we are the better minded 
to assent to this your request. And I authorise you to 
devise with our council there only of such things as may 
appear beneficial for us and that our realm. "•'■ 

In spite of this letter Sydney, knowing the course taken 
by his predecessors. Gray, St. Leger, and Sussex, adopted 
their plan of suspending the operation of Pojniings' Act. 
In Dublin he realised the difficulties of the course proposed 
by his royal mistress. The Irish Parliament would warmly 
resent the removal of the protection Poynings had afforded 
them. The safer method was to introduce new members for 
the boroughs, and he nominated them for boroughs under 
the control of the Cro^Ti. Irish opinion was as hostile to 
any tampering with their protection as of old. In spite of 
the borough members, the opposition to Sydney's Bill for 
suspension waxed strong. Hooker's diary informs us that 
it passed the first reading without a division, that on its 
second reading there were 50 votes for it and 40 against it, 
but on the third reading there were only 44 for it and 48 
against it. Lord Chancellor Weston wrote, February 17, 
1569, to Cecil: " The first Bill that was read was touching 
the suspending of Poynings' Act; a good and profitable 
Bill, and worthy of much favour; and so we thought it 
would ha,ve found. But it was handled as things are used 
to be that fall into angry men's hands ; without good advice 

1 C. S. P., " Ireland, 1509-73," p. 324. 



IRELAISTD, 1494-1603 17 

and consideration it was with great earnestness and stomach 
overthrown and dashed. "^ 

The Commons had gained a notable victory, and the cost 
was the inability to pass any legislation — if Parliament did 
not accept unaltered the Bills approved by the English Privy 
Council. In the opinion of the judges, amendments were 
out of order on the ground that they would change the 
measures, and hence they could not be said to have had the 
approval of London. Driven by the force of circumstances, 
on February 21 the Commons, after prorogation, passed 
the Act for the suspension of Poynings' Act. In so doing 
they asserted the ideas of 1494 by passing an Act " that 
there be no Bill certified into England for the repeal or sus- 
pendhig of the statute passed in Poynings' time before the 
same Bill be first agreed on in a session of Parliament holden 
in this realm by the greater number of the lords and 
commons." 

This incident by no means stands alone. In the last 
Parliament of Elizabeth, called by Sir John Perrot on 
May 3, 1585,^ the repeal of the Act of 1494 was mooted. 
The ministers tried to show how the Irish Parliament was 
hampered by it, for it was " shut up and forbidden to make 
any law or statute unless the same be first certified into 
England." Perrot proposed to confer with the Commons 
concerning a.ny measures introduced. It was all in vain. 
Two popular leaders, Burnell and Netterville, members 
for Dublin County, protested vigorously. By the large 
majority of 35 the Bill was thrown out.^ Like Sydney, 
Perrot prorogued Parliament and it met at Drogheda, 
where no business was transacted. He brought the Bill 
forward again at Dublin, and a second time it was rejected. 
It is plain that the majority regarded Poynings' Law not 
as a badge of servitude, but as the mark of their protection 
from the tyranny of the Lord Deputy. 

1 C. S. P., " Ireland," vol. xxvii., No. 25. 

2 Cf. "Historical Tracts by Sir John Davis," p. 306, edition 1786, 
Lists of members of both Houses of the Parliaments of 1560 and 1585 
are printed in " Tracts relating to Ireland " (Irish Archaeological Society, 
Dublin, 1843). Cf. C. S. P., " Ireland, 1574-85," p. 561. 

3 C. S. P., " Ireland," vol. cxvi.. No. 56. 



18 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

The Reformation. 

The State Papers, English and Irish, and the Carew 
Papers testify plainly to the deplorable state of religion years 
before the Reformation. In 1515 an Irishman and a deeply 
religious man testifies: " Some sayeth that the prelates of 
the Church and clergy is much cause of all the misorder of 
the land; for there is no archbishop ne bishop, abbot ne 
prior, parson ne vicar, ne any other person of the Church, 
high or low, great or small, English or Irish, that useth to 
preach the Word of God, saving the poor friars beggars; 
and where the Word of God do cease, there can be no 
grace; and without the special (grace) of God this land may 
never be reformed. And by the preaching and teaching of 
prelates of the Church, and by prayer and orison of devout 
persons of the same, God useth alway to grant his abundant 
grace; ergo, the Church, not using the premises, is much 
cause of all the said misorder of this land."-*- He proceeds 
to show that " the noble folk of Ireland oppresseth, spoileth 
the prelates of the Church of Christ of their possessions and 
liberties; and therefore they have no fortune ne grace, in 
prosperity of body ne soul. Who supporteth the Church of 
Christ in Ireland save the poor commons ?" There is need 
for an investigation of the self-denying efforts in the regular 
work of the seculars and in the irregular work of the Spanish, 
French, and English friars. 

Archdeacon H. Cotton compiled an invaluable " Fasti 
Ecclesise Hibernicse."^ The Rev. St. J. D. Seymour gives 
" The succession of parochial clergy in the united diocese of 
Cashel and Emly,"^ and tells the history of " The Diocese 
of Emly.'"^ M. Archdall's " Monasticon Hibernicum " re- 
counts the history of the abbeys, priories, and other re- 
ligious houses in Ireland.^ 

There are documents in J. Bale's extraordinary "Vocacyon 
of Johan Bale to the Byshopperycke of Ossorie "^; N. 

1 C. S. P., Henry VIII., vol. ii., p. 15. 

2 Six vols. Dublin, 1851-78. 

3 Dublin, 1908. * Ibid., 1913. 

5 London, 1786. There is an edition by P. F. Moran and others, 
Dublin, 1873. 

6 Rome, 1533. It is also in the Harl. Misceli., vi., 402-28. London, 
1745. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 19 

Sanders' " De origine ac progressu Schismatis Anglicani "^ ; 
P. Lombard's " De Regno Hiberniae Commentarius "^; 

E. O'Dufly's edition of " The Apostasy of Myler Magrath 
. . . about 1577 "2; J. Garvey's edition of "The Con- 
version of P. Corwine . . . anno 1589 "^; R. Verstegan's 
" Theatrum CrudeKtatum Hsereticorum nostri temporis "^; 
R. Ware's " Historical Collections of the Church in Ireland, 
etc., set forth in the Life and Death of George Bro\^Tie "^; 
Bishop Rothe's " Analecta sacra et mira de rebus Catho- 
licorum in Hibernia . . . gestis"'''; A. Bruodin's " Pro- 
pugnaculum Catholicse Veritatis libris x constructum "^; 
J. Hartry's " Triumphalia Chronologica Monasterii Sancti 
Crucis in Hibernia"^; P. Adair's " True Narrative of the 
. . . Presbyterian Church in Ireland "^^; A. Theiner's 
" Annales Ecclesiastici (1572-85) "^^ and his " Vetera 
Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum Historiam iUus- 
trantia, 1216-1547 "^2. l. Renehan's " Collections on Irish 
Church History "^^; P. F. Moran's " Spicilegium Ossoriense : 
being a collection of Original Letters and Papers illustrative 
of the History of the Irish Church "•'■^; E. Hogan's " Ibernia 
Ignatiana, seu Ibernorum Societatis Jesu Patrum Monu- 
menta coUecta, etc., 1540-1607"^^; and E. P. Shirley's 
" Original Letters and Papers . . . during the Reigns of 
Edward VI., Mary and EHzabeth.''^^ 

Among the older histories there are P. 'Sullivan 
Beare's " Historise Catholicse Ibernise Compendium "^'^; N. 
Orlandino and F. Sacchini's " Historia Societatis Jesu "■^^; 

F. Porter's " Compendium Annalium Ecclesiasticorum 

1 Cologne, 1585. There is an English translation with notes by 
D. Lewis, London, 1877. 

2 Edited by P. F. Moran. Dublin, 1868. 

3 Cashel, 1864. * Dublin, 1681. ^ Antwerp, 1587. 

^ London, 1681. It is also in Ware's "Antiquities," 1705, and in the 
Harl. MiscelL, vol. v. 

7 Two vols. Cologne, 1617-19. Edited by P. F. Moran, Dublin, 
1884. Rothe was Bishop of Ossory. 

^ Prague, 1669. It covers from Henry VIII. to James I. 

9 Edited by D. Murphy, who translated it into English. Dublin, 1891. 

10 Edited bv W. D. Killen. Belfast, 1866. 

11 Three vols. Rome, 1856. 12 Rome, 1864. 

13 Vol. i., Dublin, 1861. Renehan was President of Maynooth 
College. 

1* Vols. i. and iii. Dublin, 1874-84. i^ Vol. i. Dublin, 1880. 

16 London, 1851. i7 Lisbon, 1621. Dublin, 1850. 

18 Antwerp, 1620, etc. Parts i.-iii. 



20 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

. . . Hibernise."^ Perhaps the ablest modern book on 
the Roman Catholic side is A. Bellesheim's " Geschichte der 
katholischen Kirche in Irland "^ : it is well documented. 
M. J. Brenan's " Ecclesiastical History of Ireland "^ is 
written for edification: it is miindexed. C. P. Meehan's 
" Rise and Fall of the Irish Franciscan Monasteries " is a 
poor book.^ W. M.. Brady writes v/ith all the zeal of a 
convert in his " Clerical and Parochial Records of Cork, 
Cloyne, and Ross,"^ "The Irish Reformation,"^ "State 
Papers concerning the Irish Church,"''' and his " Episcopal 
Succession."^ There are sidelights in P. Boyle's "Irish 
College in Paris, 1578-1901."^ A similar book on the Irish 
CoUege in Rome is wanted. J. D 'Alton compiled " Memoirs 
of the Archbishops of Dublin,"i^ and H. C. Groves " The 
Titular Archbishops of Ireland. "■'^•^ Cardinal P. F. Moran 
wrote a " History of the Catholic Archbishops of Ireland "-^^ : 
there are documents in the appendix. - 0. J. Burke dealt 
with the " History of the Catholic Archbishops of Tuam."-"-^ 
G. Boero sketched the lives of two Jesuits in his " Vita del 
Servo di Dio P. Pascasio Broet "^^ and his " Vita del Servo 
di Dio P. Alfonso Salmerone."^^ On Elizabethan times 
there is also E. Hogan's " Life, Letters and Diary of Father 
Henry Fitzsimon."-*-^ M. O'Reilly raises the " Memorials of 
those who suffered for the Catholic Faith' in Ireland "•'•''; 
D. Murphy describes " Our Martyrs : A Record of those who 
suffered for the Catholic Faith under the Penal Laws in 
Ireland "■'^^; and A. Zimmerman discusses " Die irischen 
Martyrer unter Konigin Elisabeth. "•'■^ 

On the Church of Ireland side there are the solid volumes 
of Bishop R. Mant's " History of the Church of Ireland "^^ 
and R. King's " Primer of the History of the Church of 
Ireland. "^■'- Both writers used documents, but it is a pity 

1 Eome, 1690. 

2 Three vols. Mainz, 1890-91. Vol. ii. deals with 1509-1690. 

3 Two vols. Dublin, 1840. * Dublin, 1869. 

5 Three vols. Dublin, 1864. 6 ]7ifth edition. London, 1687. 

7 London, 1868. « Rome, 1876-77. ^ Dublin, 1901. 

10 Ihid., 1838. 11 Ihid., 1897. i^ Ihid., 1864. 

13 Ihid., 1882. 14 Florence, 1877. i^ Ihid., 1880. 

16 Dublin, 1881. i^ London, 1868. is Dublin, 1896. 

19 Katholik (1888), ii., 179-200. 

20 Two vols. London, 1840. 

21 Second edition. Three vols. Dublin, 1845, 1851. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 21 

that their style is not livelier. The Rev. H. Hollo way has 
written a useful account of " The Reformation in Ireland "^ 
from the point of view of ecclesiastical legislation. Like 
so many others, he does not understand the working of 
Poynings' Law. He has not used Mx. R. Dunlop's survey 
of " Some Aspects of Henry VIH.'s Irish Policy."^ Mr. 
Dunlop is one of the greatest of living authorities on the 
history of Ireland, but in this article he unduly minimises 
the eifects of the legislation of Henry VIII. Perhaps it is 
a useful corrective to the bias shown in J. A. Proude's 
"History of England."^ Dr. H. J. Lawlor has written a 
remarkable study of " The Reformation and the Irish 
Episcopate.""^ From the Presbyterian standpoint J. S. 
Reid describes the '' History of the Presbyterian Church in 
Ireland "^ and W. D. Killen " The Ecclesiastical History of 
Ireland."^ Both writers go to the sources. 

The Plantations. 

Shakespeare wrote that England was " that utmost 
corner of the west."'^ He was quite wrong, for the dis- 
covery of America by Columbus completely altered her 
position to Europe. Formerly she had been at the edge of 
affairs: now she was in the very heart of them. The 
position of Ireland was also fundamentally changed. Be- 
fore 1492 she acted as a breakwater between England and the 
ocean, but now she lay athwart English trade lines between 
the New World and the Old. He who controls her harbours 
controls English commerce. From this point of view the 
discovery of America was fatal to the aspirations of the 
Irish. The control of Ireland was vital to England, and 
sixteenth-century statesmen soon perceived that this con- 
trol must be effective : hence the confiscations and planta- 
tion which now begin to mark the history of Ireland. Mr. 
Dunlop wrote two able articles on " The Plantation of 

1 London, 1919. 
P In "Historical Essays by Members of the Owens College, Man 
Chester," pp. 279-306. London, 1902. 
3 Twelve vols. London, 1899. 
* London, 1906 (published by the S. P. C. K.). 

5 Edited by W. D. Killen. Three vols. BeKast, 1867. 

6 Two vols. London, 1875. 

■^ King John, Act XL, Scene I. 



22 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

Munster, 1584-89 "^ and " The Plantation of Leix and 
Ofifaly, 1556/'^ In the first chapter of his thoughtful book, 
"Confiscation in Irish History,"^ Mr. W. F. T. Butler 
examines the Tudor confiscations. In his " Die englische 
Kolonisation in Irland "^ Dr. M. J. Bonn inquires into what 
he calls the retrogression of the English colonial interest 
in Ireland, and he raises the question whether a policy of 
colonisation is in any case possible in a country inhabited 
by a vigorous native population. He begins with the 
earliest times and comes down to the present day. He, by 
reading twentieth-century notions into the sixteenth, holds 
that instead of the English imposing Protestant civilisation 
on the natives, they ought to have allowed them to develop 
on the basis of their national characteristics. To work out 
this idea was foreign to the mind of all sixteenth -century 
statesmen. At the same time it is remarkable to note that 
some form of it entered the brain of Henry VIII., who 
tried to meet the Irish half-way. The trouble was that 
English civilisation was more highly developed than Irish, 
and this rendered it increasingly difficult for London and 
Dublin to see eye to eye. The Irish were unable or un- 
willing to conform to the new environment. Of course, the 
Reformation complicated the whole question, yet it is 
significant that in the plantation of Leix and Offaly — or in- 
deed in any of the sixteenth -century plantations — there 
was no weight attached to the religion of the planter. 
These considerations Dr. Bonn thrusts on one side. 
Moreover, he is too inclined to treat an unauthorised sug- 
gestion as if it had official sanction. In her brilliant 
volume, " The Making of Ireland and its Undoing, 1200- 
1600,"^ Mrs. A. S. Green violently attacks the poHcy of the 
English. Dates are so mixed that it is difficult to follow the 
arguments advanced. The use of the term " Irishmen " 
is puzzling. Sometimes it means what the author calls 
Gaels, and sometimes it means persons of Norman or English 
descent. Her handling of evidence is most unfair. Here 

1 E. H. B., vol. iii., pp. 250-269. 

2 Ibid, vol. vi., pp. 61-96. Cf. ibid., E. H. E., vol. xx., p. 309, for his 
article on " Sixteenth-Century Maps of Ireland." 

3 Dublin, 1917. * Two vols. Stuttgart, 1906. 
5 London, 1908. Second edition. 1909. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 23 

is an instance. She quotes the statement of Captain 
Cuellar on the work and housekeeping of the women of 
Connaught. She does not quote his statement that he 
invariably terms the Irish "savages," and that they live 
" as brute beasts among the mountains." He says that the 
chief employment of the Irish is to rob and plunder each 
other. He, a shipwrecked Armada commander, was robbed, 
stripped naked, beaten, and forced to work. And this was 
done to an ally of the Irish, one who had come to fight on 
their behalf. 

The Older Sources. 

Among these the following deserve close attention : 
"The Annals of Ulster, 1155-1541 "^ "The Annals of 
Lough Ce, 1041-1590 "2; " Annala Rioghachta Eireann,"^ 
commonly called the "Annals of Ulster"; T. Bowling's 
" Annales Breves Hibernise "^; Camden's inaccurate " An- 
nales rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum "^; Sir J. Ware's 
" Rerum Hibernicarum Annales regnantibus Henrico VIII. 
. . . Elizabetha, "^ his inaccurate " Historic of Ireland col- 
lected by ... M. Hanmer, E. Campion and E. Spencer,"'^ 
and his " Antiquities and History of Ireland."^ Harris 
made considerable alterations in the last book.^ 

Other noteworthy volumes are J. Derricke's " Image of 
Ireland, 1578 "^O; T. Churchyard's " Services of Sir William 
Drury ... in 1578 and 1579 "■^■'^ and his " Scourge for 
Rebels "•'■2; H. Allingham's edition of "Captain Cuellar's 
Adventures in Connacht and Ulster, a.d. 1588 "i^; H. D. 
Sedgwick's edition of Captain Cuellar's " Letter to Philip II., 
1589 "14; R. Payne's " Brief Description of Ireland, 1590 "^^; 
S. Haynes' " The Description of Ireland ... in Anno 

1 Vols. iii. and iv. London, 1866. 

2 Edited by W. M. Hennessy. Vol. ii. London, 1871. 

3 Edited by J. 0' Donovan. Vols, v.-vii. Dublin, 1851. 

* Edited by R. Butler. Irish Archseological Society, Dublin, 1849. 
^ London, 1615. It is particularly valuable on the Elizabethan 
insurrections. ^ Dublin, 1664. Translation, 1704-5. 

' Dublin, 1633. Republished as "Ancient Histories." Two vols. 
DubHn, 1809. » Edited by R. Ware. Dublin, 1704. 

9 Edited by W. Harris. Two vols. Dublin, 1764. 
^0 London, 1581. In Somers' " Tracts," i. London, 1809. Edited by 
J. Small. Edinburgh, 1883. ^ London, 1580. 12 m^^^ 1534. 

1^ London, 1897. Cuellar's narrative is in C. F. Duro's " La Armada 
Invencible." i* London, 1896. 

15 Edited by A. Smith. Irish Archseological Society, Dublin, 1841. 



24 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

1598 "1; J. Dymmok's " Treatice of Ireland," c. 1600^ 
R. Beacon's "Solon his foUie; or, a politique discourse 
touching the reformation of common weales, conquered, 
declined, * or corrupted"^; H. Harrington's " Nugse 
Antiquse, being a collection of original Papers . . . written 
... by Sir J. Harrington '"^; W. Harris's " Hibernica: or 
Some Ancient Pieces relating to Ireland "^; S. Hay man's 
"Unpublished Geraldine Documents"^; H. F. Hore and 
J. Graves' " Social State of the Southern and Eastern 
Counties of Ireland"'^; R. Stanihurst's " De Rebus in 
Hibernia gestis,"^ and his "Description of Ireland"^; 
J. Lodge's "Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica: or a Select 
Collection of State Papers . . . during the reigns of Queen 
Elizabeth "1^ (to Charles L); A. Collins' edition of the 
" Letters and Memorials of State . . . written and col- 
lected by Sir Henry Sydney "^^; J. O'Donovan's edition of 
" Sir Richard Bingham's Account of Connacht and Narra- 
tive of Sir H. Docwra's Services in Ulster "^^; Sir Thomas 
Stafford's " Pacata Hibernia "^^; J. Hooker's "Life and 
Times of Peter Carew "^^; Fynes Mory son's " Itinerary 
in three parts.^^ The second part containeth the Re- 
belHon of Hugh, Earl of Tyrone "^^ and " Unpublished 
Chapters of the Itinerary "■'•'^; Sir J. Davis's " ADiscoverie 
of the State of Ireland "^^ and his " Historical Tracts " i^; 

1 Edited by E. Hogan. Dublin, 1878. 

2 In "Tracts relating to Ireland." Irish Archaeological Society, 
Dublin, 1842. 3 Oxford, 1594. 

^ Three vols. London, 1779. The papers go from Henry VIII. to 
James I. s Dublin, 1770. 

6 Four parts. Dublin, 1870-81. 

7 Dublin, 1856. 

8 Antwerp, 1584. 

9 Holinshed's "Chronicles." Vol. ii. London, 1587. 

10 Two vols. London, 1772. 

11 London, 1746. 

12 Miscell. Celtic Soc. Dublin, 1849. 

13 London, 1633. Reprinted, Dublin, 1810; London, 1896. 
1* Edited by J. Maclean. London, 1857. 

15 London, 1617. This is of the utmost importance. 

16 Dublin, 1735. Cf. Spedding's "Bacon." Vols. ii. and iii. 

17 London, 1903. 

18 London, 1612. 

19 London, 1786. Complete works. Edited by A. Grosart. Three vols. 
London, 1869-76. There is a cheap edition of some of the writings of 
Spenser, Davis, and Fynes Moryson. H. Morley edits it under the title 
of " Ireland under Elizabeth and James the First." London, 1890. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 25 

J. Chamberlain's " Letters "^; Sir J. T. Gilbert's " Calendar 
of Documents relating to Ireland,"^ and his "Facsimiles," 
parts 3 and 4^; and Sir R. Wilbraham's "Journal."* It is 
obvious that the bulk of these sources concern Elizabethan 
times. There is another one deserving of mention, and 
that is William Farmer's " Chronicles of Ireland from 1594 
to 1613."^ 

Modern Books. 

At the head of these stand the three volumes of Mr. R. 
Bagwell.^ He belonged to the small band of Irish historians 
of the class of A. G. Richey, W. E. H. Lecky, and C. Litton 
Falkiner. His long life was devoted to the investigation of 
the past of Ireland, and the labours of none have been more 
fruitful. He begins his narrative with the first Tudor and 
continues it to the fall of the last Stuart King at the Battle 
of the 'Bojne. That is, he covers the history of the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries at first hand, using manu- 
script evidence throughout. Moreover, he is a pioneer 
historian, for no one had covered these centuries before 
him. True, party pamphlets had been compiled from the 
Unionist or the Nationalist point of view, but for the first 
time Mr. Bagwell told the truth as it might have been if the 
voice of pure reason were heard. We read and we re-read 
his six volumes with ever-increasing admiration for the 
impartiality displayed in them. Lord Rosebery has 
felicitously observed that " the Irish question has never 
passed into history, because it has never passed out of 
pontics." In this case the Irish question has emphatically 
passed out of politics, for Mr. Bagwell endeavoured, with 
complete success, to attain an impartial standpoint. It 
is a great feat to have accomplished- No one can call these 
six volumes colourless, but no one can call them partisan. 
There are some authors whose books are so eminently 
helpful, their sympathy so wide, their judgment so broad, 

1 Edited by S. Williams. Camden Society, London, 1861. 

2 Second Series, 1509-1600. London, 1860-63. 

3 London, 1882. 

4 Edited hj H. S. Scott. Camden Society, London, 1902. 

5 E. H. B., January, 1907, pp. 105-130; July, 1907, pp. 528-552. 

^^6 "Ireland under the Tudors." Three vols. London, 1885-90, 
" Ireland under the Stuarts and during the Interregnum." Three vols. 
London, 1912 ff. 



26 IHELAND, 1494-1603 

their temper so fine, that one is Hfted, as it were, into 
serener air. Such a man was Richard Bagwell. 

Just as George Meredith is the noveUsts' novehst, so Mr. 
Bagwell is the historians' historian. They are well aware 
that the secret of his power lies in his sincerity, the sensitive 
feehngs that enable him to understand the point of view 
of the men of the past, while his amazing and accurate 
acquaintance with the original materials enabled him to 
grasp what were the tendencies at work during the age he 
was investigating. The manuscript evidence, the tracts, 
the pamphlets at home and abroad, were thoroughly 
familiar to him. The fatal defect of the average Irish 
historian is that he sees events purely through the atmo- 
sphere of Dublin. The signal merit of Mr. Bagwell was 
that he saw events from a cosmopolitan aspect. He could 
not forget that policies not only in London, but also in 
Paris, Madrid, and Vienna, were shaping the course of 
affairs in Ireland. For wellnigh sixty years he laboured as 
an historian without haste and without rest. More for- 
tunate than S. R. Gardiner, he set his heart on reaching the 
fall of the House of Stuart at the Battle of the Boyne, and 
his sixth volume reached the end he had planned in early 
manhood. We have mentioned Gardiner, and no one can 
read Mr. Bagwell's books without recalling the labours of 
the English historian. What Gardiner accomplished for 
the first half of the seventeenth century Mr. Bagwell accom- 
plished for the whole of the sixteenth and for virtually the 
whole of the seventeenth. 

Two-thirds of Mr. A. G. Richey's " Short History of the 
Irish People "^ concerns our period, and this book is worthy 
to be placed alongside Mr. Bagwell's. This gifted and 
judicial writer possessed that power of selecting and dis- 
posing of incidents which belongs only to the front rank of 
historians. He knew how to show forth great events and 
their moving impulses by the presentation of salient 
characteristics suggestively related. Unlike so many Irish 
historians, he never allowed his narrative to be drowned in 
detail. The accuracy, the thoroughness, and the judicial 

1 Edited by B. K. Kane. Dublin , 1887. Cf . chapter xvii. in H. A. L. 
Fisher' s in vol. v. , and chapter xxii. in A. F. Pollard' s in vol. vi. of ' ' The 
Political History of England " (London, 1910). 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 27 

temper displayed make us regret that IVIr. Richey did not 
afford us more results. From large books we go to a small 
one, " A Review of Irish History,"^ by Mr. J. P. Gannon. 
Though it covers the whole field it is so suggestive in re- 
lation to the social development of the sixteenth century 
that we mention it here. The comparative standpoint is 
never out of Mr. Gannon's mind, and the reader cannot fail 
to gather the connection between events in the Netherlands 
or in Spain and events in Dublin. It is easy to speak of the 
harshness of the English rule, and it was harsh. What 
Mr. Gannon does, with conspicuous success, is to enable us to 
grasp the motives of the governors and the governed alike. 
He perceives that behind the Tudor wars lay ecclesiastical 
reasons. The gold of Spain and the unwearied efforts of 
the Friars and the Jesuits were behind all the rebellions. The 
Roman Catholic Powers of Europe were fighting Elizabeth, 
and she naturally fought them, and, in spite of herself, was 
inevitably thrown into the arms of the Protestants. It is 
worth while emphasising what Mr. Bagwell has taught us, 
that the Elizabethan conquest of Ireland was cruel mainly 
because the Crown was poor. Just as Oliver Cromwell, 
had his life been prolonged, would have seen his foreign 
policy crash because he pursued an eighteenth-century 
policy on a seventeenth-century revenue, so Elizabeth saw 
much of her poHcy in Ireland, for similar reasons, undone. 
The Irish State Papers bear witness to the large sums she 
sent to Ireland, but they would have been larger had she 
not to contend with the treasure of France and Spain. ^ i 
It sometimes happens that in a book dealing with foreign 
policy invaluable light is thrown on the progress of affairs 
in Ireland. This is notably the case with Major M. A. S. 
Hume's " Treason and Plot."^ In spite of its title, this book 
is packed with ideas. The defeat of the Armada no more 
fuially destroyed the might of Spain than did the Battle of 
Trafalgar annihilate French naval designs. There were 
several other Armadas, and that of 1596 was notable. In 
spite of the medal of Elizabeth, the victorj^ of 1588 was 
largely due to the efforts of commanders and men. It was 
in 1596 that the winds blew, and the enemy were scattered. 
1 London, 1900. 2 m^i^^ 1901. 



28 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

The author thinks that "if it had not been for the pro- 
vidential storm which caught Adontelado's fleet off 
Finisterre on October 28, there would have landed early in 
November on one of the fine harbours on the Irish coast a 
Spanish force very much stronger than any army which the 
English could have brought against it, and in all probability 
Tyrone would have been victorious and Protestant England 
in deadly peril." 

In old books like J. Curry's " Historical and Critical 
Review of the Civil Wars in Ireland "^ and in new books 
like P. W. Joyce's " Short History of Ireland from the 
Earliest Times to 1608 "^ we miss considerations of this 
nature. The latter so fixes his eye on Dublin that he cannot 
understand that it is at least as important to grasp the plans 
of Philip II. of Spain as those of Mary I. At the same time 
we must not forget that within the limits he marked out for 
himself Mr. Joyce accomplished a great deal of useful work. 
He was a fair-minded man, and he put forth a readable 
narrative. Where he is weak R. Hassencamp in his 
" Geschichte Irlands "^ is strong. The latter practically 
begins his tale with the accession of Elizabeth, and his book 
deserves perusal. He can note, as few Irish historians can, 
how the local history of Ireland merges in the general 
history of not only England but also of Europe and vice 
versa. Mr. G. B. O'Connor writes a valuable account of 
" Elizabethan Ireland, Native and English ": it has John 
Nor den's map.'^ 

Mr. P. Wilson's " Beginnings of Modern Ireland "^ in- 
vestigates the history of the sixteenth century to the acces- 
sion of Elizabeth. Here and there the language is extra- 
vagant, yet this ought not to disguise the fact that the 
author has consulted many authorities, published and un- 
published. He verifies everything, states what he finds 
without reserve, and states it with lucidity. It is indeed 
so promising a piece of work that we hope Mr. Wilson will 
redeem the promise in his preface, and give the world 
another volume. Even yet such old books as J. Mac- 

1 Dublin, 1810. 2 London, 1895. 

^ Leipzig, 1886. There is an English translation. London, 1882. 
Obviously there was an edition of "Geschichte Irlands" before that of 
1886. 4 Dublin, 1906. ^ Ibid., 1912. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 29 

Geoghegan's " Histoire de I'lrlande "^ and T. Leland's 
" History of Ireland "^ deserve consultation. The day is 
over for general histories on this scale. There is so much 
to be unravelled that it is utterly out of the power of any 
man to be master of all the matter pouring forth in articles 
and monographs. Father D 'Alton has courageously 
essayed this task, and has published a general history in six 
volumes.^ He has kept abreast of recent research so far 
as one man can cover a large field. Of course, there are 
lapses, but this arises from the wide extent of the ground he 
traverses. It is curious that it does not seem to occur to 
him that Irish chiefs were guilty of treason when they in- 
voked the aid of France or Spain, For example, on April 
25, 1566, Shane O'Neill writes, styling himself Defender of 
the Faith, to Charles IX., King" of France, for 5,000 or 
6,000 weU-armed men, to assist in expelling the English 
from Ireland. On February 1, 1567, he writes to the 
Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise, to use their influence with 
the French King to send an army to assist him to restore 
and defend the Roman Catholic faith. 

One of the puzzles of the time is why the Irish did not 
sweep out the English. The latter paid " black rent " to 
the former. Why were the English not driven out ? The 
reasons seem to be these. The Pale came to mean the four 
counties of Louth, Meath, Dublin, and Kildare. The 
chieftains were so desirous of attacking one another that 
they were unable to combine. Each cared for his own 
particular part of the country, but none, not even Tyrone, 
cared for the whole country. The weak government ex- 
tended protection to tribes which sought it. It was the aim 
of Henry VIII. to permit and expand this system. This 
legalisation of the tribal chief persisted throughout the 
sixteenth century, and explains some enigmas. Every- 
thing is local, and everything is tribal. We are almost back 
to the days of the Tain Bo Cuahige, when the usual oath took 
the form of " I swear by the god my tribe swears by." 

1 Three vols. Paris, 1758-62. 2 /^^-^.^ London, 1773. 

3 Dublin, 1910. 



30 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

Biographies. 

There are none in the first rank, though there are some 
useful books among the following : W. B. Devereux, " Lives 
and Letters of the Devereux, Earls of Essex, in the Reigns 
of Elizabeth, James L, and Charles I., 1540-1646 "i; 
A. Capel, " The Earl of Essex "2; G. Hill, " An Historical 
Account of the Macdonnells of Antrim, including Notices of 
some other Leinster Septs "^; E. Hogan, "Distinguished 
Irishmen of the Sixteenth Century"^; J. Hooker, "The 
Life and Times of Sir Peter Carew "^; D. MacCarthy, " The 
Life and Letters of Florence MacCarthy Reagh, Tanist of 
Carbury "^; T. M. Madden, " The Maddens of Hy-Many "7; 
C. P. Meehan, " The Fates and Fortunes of the Earls of 
Tyrone and Tyrconnell "^; J. Mitchel, " The Life and Times 
of Hugh O'Neill, with some account of Con, Shane, and 
Tirlough"^ L. O'Clery, "The Life of Hugh Roe O'Don- 
nell"^^; D. O'Daly, " Initium, incrementa, et exitus 
Familise Geraldinorum Desmoniae Comitum Palatinorum 
Kyerria in Hybernia, ac persecutionis hsereticorum 
descriptio "^^; J. O'Donoghue, " Historical Memoirs of the 
O'Briens "12; p. L. O'Toole, "The History of the Clan 
O'Toole "13; R. Rawlinson, " The History of . . . Sir John 
Perrott "i"*; E. C. S. (? Sir E. Cecil), " The Government of 
Ireland under Sir John Perrott, 1585-88 "i^; R. Sainthill, 
" The Old Countess of Desmond "i^; T. Strype, " The Life 
of Sir Thomas Smith "i"^; and J. H. WifPen, "Historical 
Memoirs of the House of Russell, "i® In the light of new 

1 Vol. i. London, 1883. 2 Dublin, 1770. 

3 Belfast, 1873. * First Series. London, 1894. 

s Edited by J. Maclean. London, 1857. 

6 London, 1867. ' Dublin, 1894. 

^ Second edition. Dublin, 1870. It is a very rhetorical book. It is 
indexed, and there are documents in the appendix. The bibliography 
in Mr. Dunlop's fine article on Tyrone in the D. N. B. reveals the in- 
formation in the British Museum and in the Reports of the Hist. MSS. 
Com. 9 Dublin, 1846. 

10 Edited by D. Murphy, and translated by E. O'Reilly. Dublin, 
1893. The original MS. is in the R.I.A. There is a copy of the transla- 
tion in the British Museum, Egerton MS. 123. 

11 Lisbon, 1655. Translation with Memoir and Notes by C. P. 
Meehan. Dublin, 1847. 12 Dublin, 1860. i3 Ibid., L900. 

14 London, 1728. is Ibid., 1626. I6 Dublin, 1861. 

17 London, 1698. is Vol. ii. London, 1833. 



IRELAND, 1494-1603 31 

documents there is need of fresh biographies of Essex, 
Mount] oy, and Tyrone. With Essex it is necessary to 
remember that Ireland was in a most critical condition, and 
that all Europe was aware of this. The country would have 
been a province of Spain had it not been for the determina- 
tion of Tyrone not to attack till the troops of Philip II. had 
arrived. With Mount] oy in command the situation so 
altered that in 1600 Tyrone contemplated seeking safety in 
flight, an intention put into effect seven years later. No 
biographer has brought out with sufficient emphasis the 
fact that the aims of Tyrone were tribal, not national. He 
never dreamt of attaining supremacy over all Ireland. 

Family Histories. 

These are valuable on account of the letters and papers 
they sometimes contain. Among them are the Earl of 
Belmore, " The History of Two Ulster Manors "^ ; M. J. 
Blake's fine volume on "Blake Family Records"^; the 
Duke of Leinster, " The Earls of Kildare "2; the O'Conor 
Don (C. O.), "The O'Conors of Connaught "4; J. C. 
O 'Meagher, " Some Historical Notices of the O'Meaghers of 
Ikerrin "^; and Viscount Powerscourt, " Muniments of the 
Ancient Family of Wingfield."^ We add remarks on two 
of them. Mr. Blake adds considerably to our understanding 
of the social changes in the west of Ireland from 1300 to 
1600. The Blake family has been long and honourably 
connected with Galway, and though the history of this to\\Ti 
is well known through the excellent history of J. Hardiman,'^ 
yet Mr. Blake illuminates the whole period. The volume 
of the O'Conor Don is somewhat too genealogical for the 
average reader. Still, it enables us to watch the slo\^Tiess 
of the Tudor conquest in reaching the O'Conors in the 
sixteenth century. It had overtaken the O'Conors of 
Offaly, the O'Moores of Leix, and the princely house of 

1 Dublin, 1881 ; London, 1903. The Manors are Finagh (co. Tyrone), 
and Coole (co. Fermanagh). 

2 First Series. London, 1902. The index to this series is in the 
second series. 

3 Second edition. Dublin, 1858. The addenda of this edition are 
absent in the third edition. Dublin, 1858. 

* Dublin, 1891. 5 London, 1886. ^ j^tci., 1894. 

7 " History of the Town and County of Galway." Dublin, 1820. 



32 IRELAND, 1494-1603 

Desmond. The turn of the west came. Hugh O'Conor 
eagerly accepted a Imighthood from Sir John Perrot and a 
confirmation of his claims to his immense domains. But 
in the end he too went under before the increasing authority 
of the Tudor. 

Among the officials there are such illustrious names as Sir 
Walter Raleigh and Edmund Spenser. Sir John Hennessy 
wrote an interesting volume on " Sir Walter Raleigh in 
Ireland,"^ and in it he gives letters of Raleigh bearing on 
Irish affairs. With inimitable charm Dean R. W. Church 
sketched the life and work of Spenser, and in his fourth 
chapter he discusses the career of Spenser in Ireland.^ It 
is an unsatisfactory chapter largely because the writer was 
not familiar with the trend of events in Ireland, and he did 
not discern their influence on the composition of the 
" Faerie Queene." This was done by C. Litton Falkiner 
in a delightful essay on " Spenser in Ireland."^ This essay 
is at least as valuable to the student of literature as to the 
student of history. The reference to literature suggests 
education. The Rev. T. Corcoran edits " State Policy in 
Irish Education, a.d. 1536 to 1616, exemplified in Docu- 
ments selected for Lectures to Post-Graduate Classes."'* 
Some of these documents are in Blue Books and publications 
of the Record Office, and one-quarter of them have never 
appeared in print. Books like these will render it possible, 
some day, to write a history of Irish thought. In her 
" Making of Ireland " Mrs. Green has essayed this task and 
met with conspicuous success. The Right Hon. D. H. 
Madden in his " Classical Learning in Ireland "^ has 
furnished an inspiring sketch. 

1 London, 1883. 

2 R. W. Church, " Spenser." London, 1894. 

3 " Essays Relating to Ireland," pp. 3-31. 

4 DubUn, 1916. 5 London, 1908. 



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